welsh
Junkmaster
So it's the guns - do they make for more crime or less?- argument again.
But this time from a different place.
Anyone see City of God?
Guns have been big in Brazil for awhile. But a couple of years back they ran an amnisty program as part of their desire to disarm the population.
Ok, someone is going to say- "But Brazil is not the United States, or Russia."
Maybe in some ways but not others?
I am sure Mr. Lott will hate this.
Which raises the other question. If you are able to reduce violent crime and cut the murder rate, will the externality costs outweigh the costs of guns? For example, if you have a high correlation between gun violence and poverty, and low gun violence with prosperity- could the causation be that the crime creates poverty? But if you reduce poverty you might also reduce the incidence of crime?
Conservative are returning to an argument made by the pro-gun groups in the US- that the state cannot protect you in time. By the time the 9-11 call respondes, you're already dead.
Alternative explanations- increased prison populations, reduced alcoholism.... Protestants?
So perhaps the problem is a bit different- people are killing acquaintances in Brazil. But also, perhaps this rule also helps throw criminals in prison.
Perhaps that's the strategy for violence- to attack the multiple causes.
Because "honest people don't kill each other?"
It's been a long time since we've had a gun thread....
Your thoughts?
But this time from a different place.
Anyone see City of God?
Guns have been big in Brazil for awhile. But a couple of years back they ran an amnisty program as part of their desire to disarm the population.
Ok, someone is going to say- "But Brazil is not the United States, or Russia."
Maybe in some ways but not others?
I am sure Mr. Lott will hate this.
Brazil
Protecting citizens from themselves
Oct 20th 2005 | DIADEMA
From The Economist print edition
Gun control is saving lives in Brazil. Voters will now decide its pace
IN THE late 1990s the citizens of Diadema were so ashamed of living there that they registered their cars in neighbouring São Paulo, Brazil's biggest city, rather than be seen driving around with local plates. The source of the stigma was crime: in 1999 there were 374 murders in Diadema, a rate of 110 per 100,000 people, staggering even by Brazilian standards. The dense and gritty satellite town became notorious nationally as a “land without law.” Television news showed a video of police who had set up a roadblock to beat and extort money from passing motorists, shooting one dead. Jobs disappeared.
Today, Diadema is transformed. Appalled by the place's reputation, a newly elected city government in 2000 launched a multi-faceted campaign against violence, which by 2004 had cut the murder rate by two-thirds. Business came back. Last year Diadema created more industrial jobs than any other municipality in São Paulo state, boasts its mayor, José de Filippi. It is a spectacular example of a broader turnaround. In São Paulo state the number of murders has plunged, and it has started to fall nationwide (see chart).
Which raises the other question. If you are able to reduce violent crime and cut the murder rate, will the externality costs outweigh the costs of guns? For example, if you have a high correlation between gun violence and poverty, and low gun violence with prosperity- could the causation be that the crime creates poverty? But if you reduce poverty you might also reduce the incidence of crime?
That Brazil is becoming a slightly safer place is not apparent from the angry debate surrounding a national referendum on whether to ban the sale of guns and ammunition, to be held on October 23rd. The anti-gun movement had expected an easy win. But the pro-gun campaign, a coalition of weapons-makers and conservative groups, has turned the referendum into a vote of confidence in the state's capacity to protect its citizens. Defend yourselves, they urge, because the government will not. Polls suggest that Brazilians, whose neighbourhoods have seen more carnage than the battlegrounds of Colombia or Chechnya, may agree.
Conservative are returning to an argument made by the pro-gun groups in the US- that the state cannot protect you in time. By the time the 9-11 call respondes, you're already dead.
A “No” vote would be a setback for public safety. Gun control was probably the main reason for last year's drop in the national murder rate and is a big factor in São Paulo's declining rate. But the proposed ban on gun sales is just a small part of a national gun-control effort. It is state—and increasingly municipal—governments that have the biggest role in fighting crime.
Tulio Kahn, head of planning for São Paulo's public-security ministry, unfurls a list of possible explanations for the fall in the state's murder rate, from the growth of protestant churches, which preach against drink and violence, to the near tripling in the prison population since the mid 1990s. Crime mapping began in 1999. Several municipalities, including Diadema, passed “dry laws” shutting down bars early to reduce drunken mayhem.
Alternative explanations- increased prison populations, reduced alcoholism.... Protestants?
But the main factor, Mr Kahn thinks, is disarmament. The federal government made illegal possession a felony in 1997. In São Paulo, seizures of guns rose from 30,000 to 40,000 a year. The state government cut the number of gun licences it granted from 70,000 a year to 2,000. The effect was not to disarm criminals but to take guns away from ordinary people who kill on impulse, the commonest sort of murder. Mr Kahn notes that 80% of victims die within a kilometre of their homes, which suggests they knew their killers.
So perhaps the problem is a bit different- people are killing acquaintances in Brazil. But also, perhaps this rule also helps throw criminals in prison.
Diadema extended disarmament to toy weapons, whose sale is banned within its city limits. Perhaps more important, it started a municipal police force to patrol neighbourhoods, leaving the two state-run forces to chase criminals and conduct investigations. Bar-closing laws are enforced daily by inspectors who learn which establishments they will be visiting only minutes before heading out. Truant teenagers are herded back into school and offered counselling and training. “Violence has many causes” and demands a mix of prevention, repression and social policy, says Regina Miki, Diadema's “secretary of social defence”. A second security plan calls for mediating neighbour disputes and improving school security.
Perhaps that's the strategy for violence- to attack the multiple causes.
Local successes, such as that in Diadema, have not changed the national mood. The poor, who bear the brunt of violence, back the ban on gun sales, polls suggest. But many middle-class Brazilians, often robbed at gunpoint but rarely shot, wonder why the government proposes to disarm “honest men” while leaving criminals with their guns.
Because "honest people don't kill each other?"
“By disarming the citizen you're disarming the criminal,” retorts Denis Mizne of Sou da Paz (“I am for peace”), an anti-violence group in São Paulo. In Rio de Janeiro, one of Brazil's most dangerous cities, 61% of guns seized from criminals had belonged to ordinary citizens.
Federal police registered 53,000 guns last year, a figure that would fall to close to zero if the referendum passes. That would still leave Brazil with an arsenal of perhaps 17m guns, around half of them unregistered. But even if the referendum fails, they will continue to be subject to a tough 2003 law. This stiffens sentences for carrying a gun illegally, in some cases denying bail to violators. It also requires gun owners to prove that they are sane and know how to use one. Under its terms, a buyback scheme collected nearly half a million guns last year. Hence the drop in the national murder rate. If the referendum passes, that trend may quicken. If not, it will be up to local governments to create thousands of Diademas
It's been a long time since we've had a gun thread....
Your thoughts?